วันศุกร์ที่ 12 กันยายน พ.ศ. 2557

King Rama IV and Thailand’s Foreign Policy




The policy of balance of power was followed by King Mongkut (Rama IV), who reigned from 1851 to 1868. 

King Mongkut succeeded in conduction a foreign policy for maintaining Thailand’s independence. As such, his skillful diplomacy  is worth studying  for, as Hall has observed, “ It is perhaps not too much to say that Siam owed much to Mongkut more than anyone else the fact that she preserved her independence when by the end of the Nineteenth Century all the other states of South-East Asia had come under European control.”

At the beginning of King Mongkut’s reign, the Thais increasingly feared that their very existence as a nation was at stake.

British imperial expansionism was in full flood. The Thais had no way of knowing that the British in Burma would not expand eastward beyond the Burmese border.

In 1852, the year following King Mongkut’s assumption of the crown, the British started their second Burma War by which they annexed Pegu.

Dictated by his fear of Great Britain, King Mongkut took an initiative to appease the British. In 1855, in line with this policy of appeasement, the king concluded a treaty of friendship and commerce with Great Britain, through which Thailand lost its judicial freedom.

British consular jurisdiction was established in Bangkok and thereby extra-territoriality descended upon Thailand for the first time in its modern history.

The treaty also prescribed an import and export tariff which gave Great Britain greater security for freedom of commerce.

King Mongkut’s  Policy to give commercial and judicial concessions was based on fear rather than on respect and admiration.

The king and his advisers regarded the English as” rapacious tyrants who were seizing on the whole of Asia.” 

They granted such concessions not because they liked the English, but because they feared them. To prevent the English from making further demands, King Mongkut showed the same astuteness as his brother, King Rama III, in conducting a policy of seeking balance and counterweight in foreign associations.

He approached the United States and France, whose naval capability was believed to match that of Great Britain.

In 1856 King Mongkut signed a treaty of friendship and commerce with both the United States and France.

Before signing the treaty with the United States, the makers of foreign policy in Bangkok were impressed with the American attitude towards Thailand.

Townsend Harris, who was sent to Thailand to conclude this treaty, stated the good feeling of the United States government towards Thailand and its general desire only for justice and mutually beneficial relations.

Ruling out any American desire for territorial concession from Thailand, Harris contrasted his country’s policy with that of Great Britain.

 The Thai rulers were told that the United States had no colony in the East, nor did it desire any. The form of the American government, Harris stated, forbade the holding of colonies. His mission to Thailand was assigned solely for establishing a commercial relationship.

 Satisfied with this American attitude, the Thai Prime Minister(Phra Kalahom), in his diplomatic initiative to use the United States to counter-balance Great Britain, stated  that ” We love the Americans, for they have never done us or any one else in the East any injury.”

The Americans, he further appreciated, were not seeking conquest in the East, and American missionaries had been of vast value to the Thais, teaching many valuable arts.

While admiring and respecting the American, Phra Khlang, the Thai Minister of Commerce and Foreign Affairs, proposed to Harris that”…we would like to have an article in the treaty providing that in case of any trouble with any western power(Great Britain) the United States would act as umpire.”

But Phra Khlang’s demand for such political commitment from the United States met with a negative response.

Harris thanked him for the proposal and assured him that no such provision would be necessary because the United States felt it an obligation of friendship to comply with any such request.

Harris’ reluctant attitude led the Thais to conclude a Thai-American treaty, in which the Thais made concessions to the Americans similar to those made to the British.

Thailand then turned to France, whose envoy, M. de Montigny, was waiting at the mouth of the Chao Phraya River for the departure of the American envoy.

Prior to the arrival of the French mission, Thailand had already shown a disposition to negotiate a commercial treaty with France at the close of 1851.

The government of France, accordingly, empowered Admiral Lapierre, who commanded the naval station of Reunion Island and Indo-China, to treat with the government of Thailand on the basis of the most-favored nation, being guided by commercial treaties already negotiated with Cochin-China and Muscat.

Lapierre never fulfilled his mission, however, because war with Russia intervened before he could visit Bangkok. ]

France then waited until 1856. In this year Montigny was commissioned to visit Bangkok and to negotiate a treaty. His mission also included a visit to Cambodia and Annam.

In making an approach to France, the Thais knew very well that the French mixed commercial and religious with political interests in the Far East.

To accommodate the French commercial interests, the Thais signed a treaty of trade and commerce, the provisions of which were similar to those obtained by the United States and Great Britain.

As Montigny’s mission to Thailand was bound up with the activities of French missionaries in that area, the Thais gave considerable freedom to French missionaries to carry on their work in Thailand.

In the course of negotiations with the French envoy, the Thais went so far as to prefer France for a neighbor.

To this end, they proposed that Thailand would cede the island of Koh Door (Pulo Condore) to France.

For his part, the French envoy took advantage of the Thai desire to use French power to counteract that of Great Britain by putting a French counter-proposal that Thailand, who feared Britain, should accept a French protectorate.

To this counter-proposal the Thais did not agree. In reference to this episode of Franco-Thai negotiations, King Mongkut, in a long letter of March 4, 1867 to the head of the embassy that he had dispatched to Paris, wrote:

When Montigny came here he tried to turn Siam into a French protectorate by seduction, using as his argument the dangers of British domination. The Siamese were not to be easily seduced, however, and he spent some time here employing various method of allurement.

Fear of the English did not drive King Mongkut more closely into the arms of the French. The king tried his utmost to avoid being dependent  solely on France.

Instead, he made further attempts to attract the attention of other European powers and signed treaties of friendship and commerce with them.

These powers included Denmark, Portugal,  Holland, Prussia, Belgium, Italy, Norway and Sweden.

Before the end of King Mongkut’s reign, France constituted the most threat to Thailand’s security. French imperialism accentuated the threat coming from the east,” for in building her empire France had behaved towards Siam much as a powerful Vietnamese emperor might have done and had made the same demands.”

In 1862 France concluded a treaty with King of Vietnam(Annan), which ceded Cochin-China. It began to extend into Cambodia, which had long been a subject of contention between Thailand and Vietnam.

After the defeat of Vietnam, the French put forward the theory that they were the heirs to Vietnamese claims.

In 1863, the French concluded a treaty with the King of Cambodia by which he recognized French suzerainty.

From the Thai point of view, this treaty was  exacted by force and against the wishes of both Cambodia and Thailand.

In the wake of this French aggression in the east, King Mongkut found it difficult to maintain Thailand’s long-standing political and strategic interests in Cambodia.

In the west, Thailand still faced  Great Britain as a threatening power. Under these circumstances, King Mongkut dared not try to play off Great Britain against France for fear that it would provide Great Britain with a good change to colonize Thailand.

The king then had two choices, either to directly negotiate with France or to demand assistance from Great Britain at the risk of the loss of Thailand’s independence.

Referring to these two choices, the king, in consultation with his diplomats in Paris, wrote in this manner: “…it is for us to decide what we are going to do; whether to swim up-river to make friends with the crocodile(France) or swim out to sea and hang on to the whale(Great Britain)…”

 With strong pressure diplomatically and militarily from France, the King finally made the first choice. In 1867 he agreed to a treaty whereby Thailand gave up its rights in Cambodia in return for French recognition of Thailand’s control of two Cambodian provinces of Siemreap and Battambang.

These two provinces, though nominally Cambodian territory, had in fact been in Thai hands since 1795.

Hesitating to employ the tactic of playing off Great Britain against France, the King felt it necessary to sacrifice Thailand’s former power and influence over Cambodia for the sake of its independence or ” to keep ourselves within our house and home”’ in his own words.

King Rama III and Thailand’s Foreign Policy




Thailand’s modern contacts with the West began during the reign of King Rama III (1824-1851).

These modern contacts demonstrated remarkably Thai fears and suspicions of the West. Experience during the late Seventeen Century made the Thai rulers feel that diplomatic or trade relations with European powers would jeopardize their control over the country.

But the motivation of the Thais in their policy towards the West remained the same. Their aim was to maintain national independence and the integrity of the kingdom. Their strategies and tactics were to maintain a state of equilibrium between contending outside  forces.

They also engaged in playing off one power against the other.Among the Western nations, Great Britain was regarded by the Thai rulers as the most threatening power of Thailand’s security.

Unlike in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Great Britain’s policy in South-East Asia was to trade with a gun in one hand. Great Britain had already nibbled away at the edges of the Thai Empire.

In 1785 it was Penang, in 1800 Province Wellesley. The power of this colonial state became manifestly clear in the British victories over Burma in 1826. As a result of the Anglo-Burmese war, Great Britain took the provinces of Martaban, Tavoy, and Tesserim, which both Burma and Thailand claimed.

The Thai government of King Rama III desired to keep this power at as great a distance as possible without antagonizing it. The makers of Thai foreign policy thought that the only way to achieve this goal was by compromise.

A policy of compromise was conducted by King Rama III in 1826, when he signed a treaty of commerce with the English East India Company.

Captain Henry Burney was sent to Bangkok by the Governor-General of India, to negotiate and conclude this treaty. In granting trade concessions to the English, the treaty permitted English merchants to buy and sell as they pleased without interference by the Thai king.

Prior to this period, the foreign merchants were not allowed to sell to private individuals the cargo they imported,  nor to purchase return cargoes.

The king claimed the exclusive rights of purchase and sale in both cases. By that treaty, the East India Company also secured an understanding that the Thais would respect the independence of Perak, and would not” go and obstruct or interrupt” commerce in Kelantan or Trengganu, while the company promised not to “go and molest” those states.

But the Thais denied the Company a satisfactory agreement over Kedah which remained a source of friction for many years.

The Thai rulers had granted trade and territorial (Malaya) concessions in Burney’s Treaty because they believed it politically expedient to do so.

They seem to have viewed the treaty as a political necessity. The agreements represented nothing more than what they thought had to be conceded in order to preserve  the country’s independence. One Thai scholar recalls this concession with bitterness:

In 1826 a certain Captain Burney came to Bangkok bringing the credentials of the British East Company to which were added conditions and requirements in the peaceful form of a drafted treaty drawn up ready for the King to sign. In itself it was an ultimatum for Thailand to accept, or else face war. Rama III was expert enough in handling foreign affairs. He saw no alternative but to embrace the lesser danger in order to escape the graver one.

After granting commercial concessions to the English, the Thais feared the political implications of exclusive relations with Great Britain, and they wished to use other powers to counterbalance Great Britain.

They inherited a policy of playing off one power against the other which was pursued by King Narai in the Seventeen Century. The makers of foreign policy in Bangkok were receptive to such an approach. It was observed by the United States envoy to Thailand, Edmund Roberts:

The present king (Rama III) is very desirous of encouraging commerce to enter his ports, and the perplexities and endless changes which formerly annoyed them, are now removed. As long as the present king lives, this wise policy will be pursued.

The Thais turned to the United States as a source of counterbalances against Great Britain. This attendant prospect was signaled in a report from the American consul at Batavia to the States Department.

The report made it clear that King Rama III” expressed wishes to increase the American trade with Siam, and a willingness to yield all facilities to that end.”

The Thais were in favor of the Americans because the latter rarely came to Thailand and had no colonial empire in the Far East.

When Edmund Roberts was sent to Thailand in 1833, Thailand’s policy to use the Americans to counteract the British showed some prospect of achieving its objective. In that year Thailand signed a “treaty of Amity and Commerce” with the United States.

The Thais did not fear the political implications of relations with the United States. The United States President made it clear to Edmund Roberts that the sending of his mission to Cochin-China, Thailand and Muscat, was for “the purpose of effecting  treaties which should place our commerce in those countries on an equality with that enjoyed by the most favored nations.”  

Given this American attitude, King Rama III and his advisers, as Edmund Roberts wrote in his memoirs, “openly expressed such gratification, that an American man-of-war had arrived with an envoy, for the purpose of forming a treaty of amity and commerce.”

Thai friendly disposition towards the Americans was further indicated, when the king  who preferred the Americans to any other foreigners, ordered Thai officials to provide the American envoy with extraordinary accommodation.

This encouraged the America envoy to exclaim that”…no embassy from a foreign country ever had so favorable and honorable a reception as ours, marked at the same time with the most extraordinary dispatch ever known.”

The king also ordered Phra  Kklang, the Thai Minister of Commerce and Foreign Affairs, to facilitate the speedy conclusion of the Thai-American treaty.

With this comparatively favorable attitude by Thailand, Edmund Roberts took only twenty two days before signing the treaty of amity and commerce with Thailand.

The time spent for negotiating this treaty was shorter than that for the Burney’s treaty of 1826. The latter treaty was concluded after a long negotiation of seven months.

The Thai rulers wished to bring not only the United States but also France into the game of the balance of power in Thailand.

In opting for this decision, The Thais seem to have forgotten the time of the revolution in Ayutthaya in 1688, when French intrigue resulted in the banishment of the Europeans.

The Thai  approach to France was evident in 1840, when the Thai government made its view explicit to the French consul in Singapore that Thailand would be eager to see the development of French commerce in Thailand.

France did not send any envoy to Thailand. After the French were expelled from the country in 1688, they had sought to preserve religious and mercantile interests in Vietnam but not in Thailand.

With the presence of American and English commercial interests in Thailand, the balance of power was believed to be maintained. Each sought to prevent the other from gaining a dominant position.

Accordingly, the government of King Rama III succeeded in meeting a new and apparently great external threat from Western powers.

King Narai and Thailand’s Foreign Policy



Among the Thai Kings, King Narai of Ayutthaya  is credited  to master in playing off two states against one another.

During his reign(1656-1668), the Dutch, having successfully fought the Portuguese elsewhere in Asia, had become active rivals of the French at Ayutthaya, and had showed aggressive designs against Thailand.

In 1664 the Dutch demanded various special commercial privileges, and on failing to obtain these, they sent a fleet to blockade the mouth of the Chao Phraya River for a considerable time.

Thailand had then no fleet capable of resisting the Dutch. Their demands were therefore granted, and on August 10, 1664 a treaty was signed whereby the Dutch obtained the sole monopoly of the trade in hides.

The most significant provision in this treaty was for Thailand to grant the extra-territorial rights to Dutch residents in Thailand.

The strength of the Dutch in the eastern seas and their overbearing attitude in Ayutthaya provoked alarm amongst the Thais and the government of King Narai wanted  to use the English to counterbalance the Dutch.

Not only did King Narai encourage the English to increase their trade with Thailand but he also hired a number of them as commander of Thai ships.

In 1676, as part of his effort to increase the English trade, King Narai lent the English traders in Ayutthaya ten thousand pounds free of interest.

King Narai’s policy to use the English to counteract the Dutch had little prospect of achieving its objective.

English influence at that juncture hardly existed. England was fully occupied with troubles over James II’s succession to the throne.
Fear of the Dutch then drove King Narai to France. He gave much encouragement to French missionaries who had worked in Ayutthaya from 1662.

Constant Phaulkon, the Greek adventurer  who became Chief Minister of Thailand, extended his patronage to the French, and the French East India Company was allowed to establish a factory at Ayutthaya in 1680.

Diplomatic envoys were exchanged between Thailand and France. In 1685 wide trading privileges and extra-territorial rights were granted to the French, much to the detriment of the Dutch and English Companies.

King Narai’s policy of seeking counterweighs in international associations, although it worked out very well, did not progress without a flaw.

There was an anti-European revolt which was the only occasion when the Thais showed signs of religious intolerance, because many of the nobility feared that the French were aiming to gain control of the King and the country through the Christian religion.

Many of the nobility believed that the French wanted to make the people give up Buddhism and sought to establish a protectorate over the country.

Neither charge was entirely groundless. The heir presumptive to the throne of King Narai is said to have been converted to Catholicism, and the idea of a mass conversion of the Thai people, led by their king, was discussed in France at that time.

The motive of territorial gain was probably also behind the dispatch to Thailand of some French troops and ships. These were charged with the duty of garrisoning certain Thai ports, including Bangkok and Mergui(now Burmese, but at that time Thai territory.

In 1688 King Narai died and Phaulkon was killed. There were serious disturbances. The Thai people rallied to the support of Phra Phet Raja, who represented the conservative and anti-foreign elements.

French traders and military personnel were driven out the country. Only French missionaries were allowed to stay in Thailand.

From 1688 the Thai kingdom isolated itself from the West. The Thais had a feeling of hostility towards France in particular; and towards Europeans in general, which lasted for more than a century.